Jedi Mind Tricks Shadow Business – VINYL CONDITION: LP 1 is a strong VG+. LP 2 is VG++ (there is a small edge that does not affect playability)
Sealed: Jacket sealed in shrink wrap or other original packaging. The vinyl in this case is sold as is or not graded.
Jedi Mind Tricks Shadow Business
NM (Near Mint): No visible defects. There is no writing, stickers, pivot marks or other negatives on the label. Seen as unplayed and unused.
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VG++: There may be light wear including sleeve scratches or other exterior wear that will not affect playability.
VG+: There will be light wear which may include sleeve scratches, very light scratches or other marks on the exterior.
VG: Similar negatives to VG+ records, but they are more pronounced, or have more of a negative effect.
VG-: Several light scratches or scuffs. Any item that has a defect such as a scratch that can be felt with a finger will have a VG grade or lower. The data will not pass but need some noise.
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G: Various imperfections, including but not limited to scratches that can be felt by fingers. Lots of background noises, clicks and pops to be had with this level.
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If you want to exchange or return your order for any reason, we’re here to help! We offer returns within 90 days of purchase. For defects and damage, all shipping costs will be paid by us. For other reasons, return shipping will be paid by the buyer. Returns will be processed back to the original payment method. Please email support@ with any recall requests. A Republican judge and President Obama’s personal investigative panel both came out last week: The Homeland Security Office’s phone-data debate has little value for American security. Yet its defenders insist it is necessary, fueling longstanding claims of a dangerous plot. Their stubbornness fits a decades-long pattern of fear trumping evidence when the word “terrorism” is mentioned—a pattern it’s time to finally break.
Since the release of the NSA’s massive home phone records, authorized under the Patriot Act Section 215 right to obtain business information, law enforcement officials and their friends in Congress have claimed that they play an important role in protecting America against the “doz” of terrorist attacks. protect But as the panel of experts Obama chose to review the facts concluded, in a report released Wednesday, that’s not true.
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“Our analysis shows that the information provided for criminal investigations using section 215 telephone metadata is not essential to the prevention of attacks,” and can be obtained in a timely manner in accordance with the recommendations under section 215.”
In other words, instead of absorbing sensitive information about the calling patterns of millions of innocent people, the government can follow the tradition of specifically getting orders for numbers. As for the “hits” of the attacks, the review group found that the NSA’s program “created information related only to some patients, and there is no example that the NSA can say with high confidence that the result would have been different without. Chapter 215 telephone meta-data program.”
Instead of absorbing sensitive information about millions of innocent people, the government can follow a culture that gets orders for specific numbers.
The announcement came days after Judge Richard Leon, who was appointed by President George W. Bush in 2001, found the wiretapping program unconstitutional. Leon sees the privacy implications as particularly troubling because “there is no evidence that any terrorist attacks have been prevented because the NSA’s data searches are faster than other methods.” search attack,” and declared himself skeptical that the program “has ever actually worked. The goal is to quickly identify criminals during the search period.”
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Leon’s proposal cites detailed information from ProPublica documents in the intelligence community’s talking point, including a “spoiled plot” to bomb the New York Stock Exchange, which appears to be very imaginary stuff. The defendants in that case were never charged with conspiracy: The actual “disappearance” appears to have scared the American into using the money he hoped to buy foreigner to open a store.
This confirms what critics of the show have been saying for some time. In a recent amicus brief filed in support of the ACLU lawsuit, several independent representatives with access to the content argued that there is “no evidence that the collection of American telephone data provides intelligence at a price that could not be collected is meant by. less invasive.”
Even the FBI may not believe its own public statements in support of the program. Exchange shown in Garrett Graff’s book
Quotes former FBI Director Robert Mueller as describing what appears to be a 215 phone program as a “useless opportunity.”
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In fact, the first use of the 215 code wasn’t to collect a lot of phone data; it is a small guide for the benefit of Congress. As noted in a 2007 report by the Justice Department chief of staff, the FBI relied on another Patriot Act to obtain phone records. But by 2003, as an FBI attorney explained to the Inspector General, “there was a recognition that the FBI had to start getting section 215 warrants because … Congress would review The FBI’s policy is to used to determine whether the policy.” In other words, the power was not used because it was necessary: it was used to convince Congress that it was necessary.
And still on Thursday, White House Secretary Jay Carney remained at the same point of disbelief, calling the program a “critical tool” and denying that “at least 50 threats that have been eliminated because of this information have saved lives.”
Unfortunately, Carney’s boldness is not unusual, but part of a pattern we have seen time and time again over the past decade. Like the NSA, we now have more than enough information to “connect the dots.”
When presenting the work, the supervisors said that it is very effective and important. Former NSA Director Michael Hayden claimed that it had “succeeded in detecting and preventing attacks on the United States,” while Vice President Cheney went further, saying the program had “saved thousands of people .”
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When the inspector general’s inspectors finally issued an unclassified report on the program, however, it noted that the workers had “slight problems related to certain situations where [the program] contributed directly to crime prevention.” A senior CIA official told NSA historian Matthew Aid, “We spent a ton on the program but got very little back in the way of recovery. I don’t think it’s worth the money.”
Intelligence officials have viewed “consolidation centers” — information-sharing centers that have been heavily funded by the Department of Homeland Security over the past decade — as “an important tool, evidence” and “vital to our counterterrorism strategy.” Just last year, a bipartisan Senate investigation concluded that the agencies were not effectively designed to protect intelligence, but risked violating the Privacy Act by creating notices of First Amendment public protection. Many “success stories” invited to show the value of the sites, the Senate inquiry found, did not stand up to the scrutiny.
“We spent a ton on the show, but got a little bit back on the way back. I don’t think it’s worth the money.”
In other cases, rather than denying negative stories, leaders sought to expand their power by blaming police officers for intelligence failures.
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Consider, for example, the “sovereignty law” passed shortly after 9/11, which allowed powerful foreign surveillance tools to be used without a trace against terrorists targeting a foreign group. This need for untapped power is presumably explained by the case of “20
The hijacker” Zacarias Moussaoui, whose laptop the FBI allegedly did not search in time to discover the planned attack on the World Trade Center because officials could not show enough ties to foreign terrorists.
However, a very different picture emerged in the shocking 2003 report of the Senate Judiciary Committee. After the attack, the report noted, investigators were able to obtain a warrant using the same evidence previously deemed insufficient. No advance notice was received because the supervisors at FBI headquarters failed to link relevant documents from different agencies, or to send reports to prosecutors, who were tasked with determining when to seek a FISA warrant. and got it wrong. existing personal laws. “In this honest operation,” the report concluded, “the FBI’s central staff failed.”
Then there are the stories of three soldiers captured in Iraq who were called in 2007 to show the director the need for the FISA Amendments Act, the basis for the NSA’s PRISM program. The Foreign Secret Service Court has ruled that even all foreign communications cannot be intercepted without a warrant if picked up
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